Latino Ethnic Identity Formation in San Francisco Bay Area, 1968-1974 - Lori Rhodes

“THROUGH THE SAME LENS BUT FROM A DIFFERENT ANGLE”: LATINO ETHNIC IDENTITY FORMATION IN THE SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA, 1968-1974 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF EDUCATION AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Lori Rhodes August 2010 © 2010 by Lori Jan Rhodes. All Rights Reserved. Re-distributed by Stanford University under license with the author. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 United States License.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/ This dissertation is online at: http://purl.edu/fw049px3596 ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

David Labaree, Primary Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Albert Camarillo I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Leah Gordon I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Joy Williamson Approved for the Stanford University Committee on Graduate Studies.

Gumport, Vice Provost Graduate Education This signature page was generated electronically upon submission of this dissertation in electronic format. An original signed hard copy of the signature page is on file in University Archives. iii ABSTRACT In the politically charged atmosphere of the 1960s and 1970s in the Bay Area of northern California, many Latino and Chicano youth formed multiple and fluid identities influenced by their experiences in schools and community organizations and encounters with adults in their neighborhoods. Throughout this process, institutional structures within the educational system as well as significant developments within the community, including the Black Power Movement, striking United Farm Workers, lawsuits over bilingual education, and busing programs for integration, affected how youth forged ethnic, panethnic, pan-minority, and white identities.

This study examines ethnic identity formation for immigrant and native-born school-age youth as well as adults and college-age students by drawing comparisons between the diverse Latino population in San Francisco and the predominantly Mexican-American population in the East Bay. This contrast highlights the complexities within the story of Latino ethnic identity formation and how this identity is often layered and situational depending on the context. The diverse ethnic and racial make-up of the Bay Area illustrates why a Latino identity cannot always be encompassed under the enormous umbrella of “Latino” or even “Chicano,” as these terms mask differences in identity and experiences for individuals and groups. On one level, this study considers Bay Area Latinos and Chicanos not as a monolith but as individuals with multiple identities who interacted with one another and various outside groups.

More broadly, this study illuminates our understanding of the overall experience of immigrant and native-born youth in iv education and how students both influence and are influenced by institutions and adults, often establishing more than one identity through the overlapping processes of assimilation, acculturation, and cultural maintenance. Ultimately, by examining student activities inside and outside the schools as well as the actions taken by groups of Latino teachers, parents, and college-age students to challenge the educational system, this dissertation extends out from the Bay Area in that it engages the broader forces that shape public schooling in Latino communities, such as immigration, the construction of Latinidad, and youth identity formation, in turn illuminating a more complete understanding of Latino students’ experiences as they intersect with educational systems in the United States. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During my time at Stanford, I had the good fortune to work with outstanding scholars and mentors. First, I would like to thank Joy Williamson-Lott and David Labaree for providing helpful and necessary support throughout this process.

Their insight was critical to my writing, and their critiques were always delivered in a thoughtful and positive manner. I was also very fortunate to have worked with Al Camarillo. The idea for this dissertation first formed in a class taught by Professor Camarillo, and he continued to support me throughout my graduate school career. Leah Gordon also provided me with helpful advice and insight as she filled in on my reading committee.

I thank each of these professors for their invaluable feedback and guidance. Over the years, I also had the chance to work closely with David Tyack and Larry Cuban, two of the great scholars in our field. Their mentoring and encouragement is much appreciated. Sean Reardon and Mike Kirst also provided me with opportunities to conduct research in different fields of education.

I am very thankful for having worked with both of them. In terms of my own growth, I benefited tremendously from these experiences and relationships. I was incredibly lucky to enter Stanford the year I did. The entering class of 2003— “The Aughts”—was truly a special group of people.

I was living bi-coastally with my husband at the time, which would have been even more difficult without the friends I found in my cohort. To my history of education buddy, Mike Dunson, congratulations—we did it! To each of you, I know I made lifelong friends, and for that I am very grateful. Most importantly, I thank my husband Rich. Without his love, support, patience, and editing skills, this dissertation would not have been completed.

Most of our marriage has been spent with me in graduate school, but it’s now over, and we can get on with our lives. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction………………………………………………………………………… 1 Chapter 1…………………………………………………………………………… 6 Background and Theoretical Framework Chapter 2…………………………………………………………………………… 33 Latinos Unidos, Third World, or Americans?: Latino Identity Formation in San Francisco Chapter 3…………………………………………………………………………… 74 “Get up from under your cactus”: Latino and Chicano Identity Formation in the East Bay Chapter 4…………………………………………………………………………… 112 “We must learn to live together”: Latino and Chicano Adult Identity Formation Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………. 173 vii INTRODUCTION Before I entered graduate school, I taught for six years in public schools in an area of Los Angeles undergoing significant demographic changes in its racial and ethnic make-up. In the 1980s, the population in south Los Angeles was almost 75 percent African American and 25 percent Mexican American.

By my first year of teaching in 1994, those figures had reversed. Over the next five years, an influx of Central American students contributed to an even greater change in the ethnic make-up of the schools. The curriculum, however, did not reflect these shifts in the population, and despite the increasing diversity within the Latino population, African American heritage month, Mexican Independence Day, and Cinco de Mayo were the primary cultural celebrations observed by the school. Considering these limited acknowledgements of diversity and repeated requests from parents to expand the scope of the celebrations, I began to think about how schools can better recognize differences within the racial and ethnic identity of their student bodies as well as what impact a diverse student population may have on the ways in which youth form their own identities.

I also considered how my students’ interactions outside the schools affected their identity formation. My second year of teaching, the El Salvadoran soccer federation offered free tickets to a game between the national teams of the United States and El Salvador, and I took three of my students to the match. None of them had ever been to a live sporting event, and they were thrilled to see the action up close. Early in the match, the United States scored, and my students were very excited, jumping up and 1 down and cheering for the U.

Unfortunately, every time the children cheered, a group of El Salvadoran men sitting behind us yelled at them to root for El Salvador, calling them traitors for not doing so. One of my students was very feisty, and he yelled back that he was cheering for his team, America, because that’s where he was born. My other two students were a bit more reserved, and the taunting bothered them, particularly the Mexican-American child, as he also felt he was cheering for the team he wanted to win, since one of Mexico’s many soccer rivals is El Salvador. As a non-Hispanic white raised in the suburban northeast, I did not have any experience with diversity within the Latino population.

I knew that the experiences and identities of European whites were not to be conflated, because where I’m from no one would consider the backgrounds and cultures of the Irish, Jewish, Italian, etc., to be the same. Yet, here I was, living in southern California, and all Latinos were expected to celebrate Cinco de Mayo and cheer for a Spanish-speaking soccer team over the United States. After viewing first-hand the confusion and fissures curriculum and external pressures can produce in terms of the creation and expression of ethnic identity for youth, I decided to pursue the study of the transmission of cultural and ethnic identity for Latino youth and how students relate to their communities and schools. In choosing to conduct an historical analysis, I chose to examine the heterogeneous Latino population of the Bay Area in the 1960s and 1970s and its enormous internal and external pressures on youth in terms of identity formation.

I believed the shifting demographics and ensuing identity politics of the Bay Area Latino population to be a harbinger of what many urban areas are experiencing today 2 and will continue to look to address in the years ahead as immigration from Latin America remains steady. An analysis of Latino and Chicano ethnic identity formation in the Bay Area in the 1960s and 1970s offers a fresh perspective in that the larger community was racially and ethnically diverse and in turn greatly influenced many students’ formation and assertion of their own multiple identities. Such a case study demonstrates how groups of Latino youth in a diverse community assert themselves through activism, school politics, and participation in school and community programs as well as how youth identity and culture are formed and maintained within the schools and through school system directives. In expanding the emphasis beyond Mexican-American and Chicano students and broadening the analysis to include youth of Latin American descent in the Bay Area, this study contributes to the literature examining the complicated nature of identity and how this manifests in student activism and participation.

Schools as compulsory institutions of attendance offer an ideal setting to look at this identity formation in that this is where the interests of students, teachers, parents, and local leaders intersect, compelling youth to make choices in terms of how they view themselves and how they view their larger communities. The diversity within the population and exposure to other racial and ethnic groups differentiates this particular Latino and Chicano population from others in the west and southwest and directly contributes to the formation of unique and multilayered identities as Latinos, Chicanos, people of color, whites, or a version of some or all of these identifiers, in addition to youth establishing themselves as active participants in the struggle for educational equality and civil rights. In examining the creation of 3 multiple identities in the Bay Area during the 1960s and 1970s, this study is organized into four chapters. In Chapter One I provide an exploration of the literature in order to provide a comprehensive framework and context for the study.

In order to construct the larger context of the era, background information on the Bay Area and social movements are also included. In Chapter Two I focus on youth ethnic identity formation in San Francisco, specifically looking at the Mission District where the highest concentration of Latinos in the city lived, representing over twenty Latin American countries.